The cleavage theorized by the British journalist David Goodhart opposing the somewherethe segment of the population that recognizes a geographical, cultural or historical tie to the anywhere, a fraction of the population that does not recognize strong ties, has been the subject of many comments and invocations in recent years. From Donald Trump’s United States to the election of Emmanuel Macron, from France’s yellow vests to the break between left-wing parties and the working classes, references to the divide between people “from everywhere” and “from somewhere are piling up.
What conclusions can we draw from the first round of the presidential election by sticking to the meticulous dissection of this opposition which covers, only in part, the fracture between the bottom and the top of French society? What relationship do Emmanuel Macron and Marine Le Pen have with those everywhere, and those somewhere?
→ FILE. Presidential 2022: Macron-Le Pen, compare their programs
The cleavage between those who might live in very different places, who like to change, and do not feel too attached neither geographically nor historically (anywhere) and those who feel a strong attachment to their place of life or place of origin, who love the preservation of these places and these stories (somewhere) allows us to draw up another observable political reality behind this Macron-Le Pen opposition.
Fractures between worldviews
In the major first-round post-election survey by Viavoice for Release: 56% of French people say they recognize themselves as being “from somewhere”, 29% “from everywhere” and 15% don’t know. But the cross-analysis of these results reveals multiple divisions and sheds light on the fractures between visions of the world that everything, or almost everything, opposes.
Cleavage anywhere – somewhere is first of all a fracture between the perceptions of the self in society but also, as we shall see, in the world. The French “from everywhere” are French more ” happy “ and more “pragmatic” than average. Life seems “easier” for the anywhere who want continuity with the policies followed in recent years (+ 9 points compared to the national average). Conversely, France “from somewhere” is a particularly “preoccupied” driven by a clear desire to break with a social order that abandons and downgrades them.
Relationships to globalization
Consequently, it is completely different relationships to globalization that structure these two Frances. On the one hand, this France of the anywhere for whom globalization is an opportunity for the country in economic terms (39% against 29% on average). On the other, a France that doubts the benefit of this openness to the world: in this respect, 65% of French people for whom globalization is a threat in economic terms say they are “from somewhere” against 56% on average.
→ REREAD. The winners and losers of globalization
The analysis of the subjects of concern also reveals this divide between “ anywhereeverywhere” and “ somewherefrom somewhere”: 74% of French people who voted to fight against insecurity and crime and immigration are French people “from somewhere”, while French people “from everywhere” appear to be overrepresented among those who voted to prepare the Europe of tomorrow, for France’s place of tomorrow on the international scene and to preserve the environment.
This reading reflects the expression of a divided France. With on the one hand a France which is doing better, in phase with the discourse of “mobility”, in control of their life and their destiny and which could live anywhere, it is the France of the anywhere. And a France which observes its downgrading, without control over its life for which anchorage is a source of reassurance, it is the France of the somewhere.
Macron-Mélenchon, common values?
How did these two realities translate during the first round of the presidential election on April 10? If we tend to expose the differences, numerous in many respects, between the electorate of Emmanuel Macron and that of Jean Luc Mélenchon, their voters find themselves on one criterion: they are more than the average of French people everywhere (36 % for Jean-Luc Mélenchon and Emmanuel Macron against 29% in the general population). The level of education and the urbanity of their voters explain these convergences. If their relationship to the future is not “common”, their relationship to cultural liberalism federates the opinion of these two electorates: if globalization constitutes “an opportunity” on the most cultural for 52% of French people, it is above all the case for 73% of Emmanuel Macron’s voters and 63% of those of Jean-Luc Mélenchon. What constitute an angle of seduction for the outgoing president, around common values of openness to the world. The rhetoric of “pro-European” versus “anti-European” is the perfect example.
On the other hand, the electorates of Marine Le Pen and Éric Zemmour overwhelmingly recognize themselves as “from somewhere”: 75% of Éric Zemmour voters and 69% of those of Marine Le Pen. The opposite logic to the previous one, this is an electorate that is not very comfortable with the idea that globalization is a cultural opportunity: half of the voters of the Rassemblement national candidate and more than half of those of Éric Zemmour see globalization as a threat (49% and 59% respectively).
→ FIND the results of the 1st round of the 2022 presidential election, commune by commune, and those of the second round from Sunday April 24 at 8 p.m.
The second round will thus be the expression of a France cut between that of “everywhere” and that of “somewhere”. Above all, this fracture commits us to constantly reminding ourselves of the interdependence of individual destinies and collective destinies.